Out-migration



Human migration is movement by humans from one place to another, sometimes over long distances or in large groups. Historically this movement was nomadic, often causing significant conflict with the indigenous population and their displacement or cultural assimilation. Only a few nomadic people have retained this form of lifestyle in modern times. Migration has continued under the form of both voluntary migration within one's region, country, or beyond and involuntary migration (which includes the slave trade, trafficking in human beings and ethnic cleansing). People who migrate into a territory are called immigrants, while at the departure point they are called emigrants. Small populations migrating to develop a territory considered void of settlement depending on historical setting, circumstances and perspective are referred to as settlers or colonists, while populations displaced by immigration and colonization are called refugees. The rest of this article will cover migration in the sense of a "change of residence", rather than the temporary migrations of travel, tourism, pilgrimages, or the commute.

Migration statistics

According to the International Organization for Migration's World Migration Report 2010, the number of international migrants was estimated at 220 million in 2013. If this number continues to grow at the same pace as during the last 20 years, it could reach 405 million by 2050.[1] While some modern migration is a byproduct of wars (for example, emigration from Iraq and Bosnia to the US and UK), political conflicts (for example, some emigration from Zimbabwe to the UK), and natural disasters (for example, emigration from Montserrat to the UK following the eruption of the island's volcano), contemporary migration is predominantly economically motivated. In particular, there are wide disparities in the incomes that can be earned for similar work in different countries of the world. There are also, at any given time, some jobs in some high-wage countries for which there is a shortage of appropriately skilled or qualified citizens. Some countries (e.g., UK and Australia) operate points systems that give some lawful immigration visas to some non-citizens who are qualified for such shortage jobs. Non-citizens, therefore, have an economic incentive to obtain the necessary skills and qualifications in their own countries and then apply for, and migrate to take up, these job vacancies. International migration similarly motivated by economic disparities and opportunities occurs within the EU, where legal barriers to migration between member countries have been wholly or partially lifted. Countries with higher prevailing wage levels, such as France, Germany, Italy and the UK are net recipients of immigration from lower-wage member countries such as Greece, Hungary, Lithuania, Poland and Romania.

Some contemporary economic migration occurs even where the migrant becomes illegally resident in their destination country and therefore at major disadvantage in the employment market. Illegal immigrants are, for example, known to cross in significant numbers, typically at night, from Mexico into the US, from Mozambique into South Africa, from Bulgaria and Turkey into Greece, from north Africa into Spain and Italy and from Bangladesh into India.

The pressures of human migrations, whether as outright conquest or by slow cultural infiltration and resettlement, have affected the grand epochs in history and in land (for example, the decline of the Roman Empire); under the form of colonization, migration has transformed the world (such as the prehistoric and historic settlements of Australia and the Americas). Population genetics studied in traditionally settled modern populations have opened a window into the historical patterns of migrations, a technique pioneered by Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza.

Forced migration has been a means of social control under authoritarian regimes, yet free-initiative migration is a powerful factor in social adjustment and the growth of urban populations.

In December 2003, The Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM) was launched with the support of Secretary-General of the United Nations Kofi Annan and several countries, with an independent 19-member commission, a threefold mandate and a finite lifespan ending December 2005. Its report, based on regional consultation meetings with stakeholders and scientific reports from leading international migration experts, was published and presented to Kofi Annan on 5 October 2005.[2]

International migration challenges at the global level are addressed through the Global Migration Group, established in 2006.

Different types of migration include:

Pre-modern migrations


Historical migration of human populations begins with the movement of Homo erectus out of Africa across Eurasia about a million years ago. Homo sapiens appear to have occupied all of Africa about 150,000 years ago, moved out of Africa 70,000 years ago, and had spread across Australia, Asia and Europe by 40,000 years BC. Migration to the Americas took place 20,000 to 15,000 years ago, and by 2,000 years ago, most of the Pacific Islands were colonized. Later population movements notably include the Neolithic Revolution, Indo-European expansion, and the Early Medieval Great Migrations including Turkic expansion. In some places, substantial cultural transformation occurred following the migration of relatively small elite populations, Turkey and Azerbaijan being such examples.[3] In Britain, it is considered that the Roman and Norman conquests were similar examples, while "the most hotly debated of all the British cultural transitions is the role of migration in the relatively sudden and drastic change from Romano-Britain to Anglo-Saxon Britain", which may be explained by a possible "substantial migration of Anglo-Saxon Y chromosomes into Central England (contributing 50%–100% to the gene pool at that time."[4]

Early humans migrated due to many factors such as changing climate and landscape and inadequate food supply. The evidence indicates that the ancestors of the Austronesian peoples spread from the South Chinese mainland to Taiwan at some time around 8,000 years ago. Evidence from historical linguistics suggests that it is from this island that seafaring peoples migrated, perhaps in distinct waves separated by millennia, to the entire region encompassed by the Austronesian languages. It is believed that this migration began around 6,000 years ago.[5] Indo-Aryan migration from the Indus Valley to the plain of the River Ganges in Northern India is presumed to have taken place in the Middle to Late Bronze Age, contemporary to the Late Harappan phase in India (ca. 1700 to 1300 BC). From 180 BC, a series of invasions from Central Asia followed, including those led by the Indo-Greeks, Indo-Scythians, Indo-Parthians and Kushans in the northwestern Indian subcontinent.[6][7][8]

From 728 BC, the Greeks began 250 years of expansion, settling colonies in several places, including Sicily and Marseille. In Europe, two waves of migrations dominate demographic distributions, that of the Celtic people and that of the later Migration Period from the North and East, both being possible examples of general cultural change sparked by primarily elite and warrior migration. Other examples are small movements like that of the Magyars into Pannonia (modern-day Hungary). Turkic peoples spread from their homeland in modern Turkestan across most of Central Asia into Europe and the Middle East between the 6th and 11th centuries. Recent research suggests that Madagascar was uninhabited until Austronesian seafarers from Indonesia arrived during the 5th and 6th centuries AD. Subsequent migrations from both the Pacific and Africa further consolidated this original mixture, and Malagasy people emerged.[9]


Before the expansion of the Bantu languages and their speakers, the southern half of Africa is believed to have been populated by Pygmies and Khoisan-speaking people, today occupying the arid regions around the Kalahari Desert and the forest of Central Africa. By about 1000 AD, Bantu migration had reached modern day Zimbabwe and South Africa. The Banu Hilal and Banu Ma'qil were a collection of Arab Bedouin tribes from the Arabian Peninsula who migrated westwards via Egypt between the 11th and 13th centuries. Their migration strongly contributed to the Arabization and Islamization of the western Maghreb, which was until then dominated by Berber tribes. Ostsiedlung was the medieval eastward migration and settlement of Germans. The 13th century was the time of the great Mongol and Turkic migrations across Eurasia.[10]

Between the 11th and 18th centuries, there were numerous migrations in Asia. The Vatsayan Priests from the eastern Himalaya hills, migrated to Kashmir during the Shan invasion in 1203C. They settled in the lower Shivalik hills in 1206C to sanctify the manifest goddess. In the Ming occupation, the Vietnamese expanded southward in a process known as nam tiến (southward expansion).[11] Manchuria was separated from China proper by the Inner Willow Palisade, which restricted the movement of the Han Chinese into Manchuria during the early Qing Dynasty, as the area was off-limits to the Han until the Qing started colonizing the area with them later on in the dynasty's rule.[12]

The Age of Exploration and European colonialism led to an accelerated pace of migration since Early Modern times. In the 16th century, perhaps 240,000 Europeans entered American ports.[13] In the 19th century, over 50 million people left Europe for the Americas.[14] The local populations or tribes, such as the Aboriginal people in Canada, Brazil, Argentina, Australia, Japan[15] and the United States, were usually far overwhelmed numerically by the settlers.

Modern migrations

Industrialization and the rise of nationalism/imperialism

While the pace of migration had accelerated since the 18th century already (including the involuntary slave trade), it would increase further in the 19th century. Manning distinguishes three major types of migration: labor migration, refugee migrations, and urbanization. Millions of agricultural workers left the countryside and moved to the cities causing unprecedented levels of urbanization. This phenomenon began in Britain in the late 18th century and spread around the world and continues to this day in many areas.

Industrialization encouraged migration wherever it appeared. The increasingly global economy globalized the labor market. The Atlantic slave trade diminished sharply after 1820, which gave rise to self-bound contract labor migration from Europe and Asia to plantations. Overpopulation, open agricultural frontiers, and rising industrial centers attracted voluntary migrants. Moreover, migration was significantly made easier by improved transportation techniques.

Romantic nationalism also rose in the 19th century, and, with it, ethnocentrism. The great European industrial empires also rose. Both factors contributed to migration, as some countries favored their own ethnicities over outsiders and other countries appeared to be considerably more welcoming. For example, the Russian Empire identified with Eastern Orthodoxy, and confined Jews, who were not Eastern Orthodox, to the Pale of Settlement and imposed restrictions. Violence was also a problem. The United States was promoted as a better location, a "golden land" where Jews could live more openly.[16] Another effect of imperialism, colonialism, led to the migration of some colonizing parties from "home countries" to "the colonies", and eventually the migration of people from "colonies" to "home countries".[17]

Transnational labor migration reached a peak of three million migrants per year in the early twentieth century. Italy, Norway, Ireland and the Guangdong region of China were regions with especially high emigration rates during these years. These large migration flows influenced the process of nation state formation in many ways. Immigration restrictions have been developed, as well as diaspora cultures and myths that reflect the importance of migration to the foundation of certain nations, like the American melting pot. The transnational labor migration fell to a lower level from 1930s to the 1960s and then rebounded.

The United States experienced considerable internal migration related to industrialization, including its African American population. From 1910–1970, approximately 7 million African Americans migrated from the rural Southern United States, where blacks faced both poor economic opportunities and considerable political and social prejudice, to the industrial cities of the Northeast, Midwest and West, where relatively well-paid jobs were available.[18] This phenomenon came to be known in the United States as its own Great Migration. With the demise of legalized segregation in the 1960s and greatly improved economic opportunities in the South in the subsequent decades, millions of blacks have returned to the South from other parts of the country since 1980 in what has been called the New Great Migration.

The diversification of Asian migration flows Alongside the overall intensification of immigration flows from Asia, the trend of the origin countries’ increasing diversification is confirming itself as is the enlargement in the range of receiving countries. In the United States, since the late-1980s, immigration flows from Cambodia, Laos and Thailand have steadily declined. Flows from Chinese Taipei and Hong Kong (China) have experienced a similar trend since the early 1990s, while those from Burma, Indonesia and Malaysia have been stable at approximately 1 000 per year. Conversely, flows from Bangladesh, India and Pakistan have experienced strong variations on a rising trend. Through to 1993, the inflow from mainland China grew strongly to reach almost 66 000 persons. Since this time it has diminished somewhat though it remains the second most important source country after Mexico. In Canada, accompanying the declining importance of flows from Hong Kong (China), the importance of China has been increasing steadily since the opening of an immigration office in Beijing in 1995. Moreover, Iran and, most recently, Korea have been gaining in importance; both countries were again in the top ten in 1999. In Australia, whilst in 1999/00 the numbers of new settlers of Vietnamese and of Hong Kong (China) origin were approximately one tenth of the numbers at the start of the decade, and those from the Philippines and from Chinese Taipei were about one half of the start-of-decade figure, that from China was almost twice as high making it the third most important source country after New Zealand and the United Kingdom. As for the stocks, the number of residents of Chinese origin more than doubled between 1990 and 1999 to reach over 155 000, those of Filipino origin numbered 117 000 in 1999 (against 71 500 in 1990). Over the same period, the number of migrants from Vietnam showed a slower progression but remained in absolute value the most important, reaching nearly 176 000 in 1999. In the same year in Malaysia, immigrants of Indian origin, represented a figure approaching 100 000 while those originating from Indonesia, from Hong Kong (China) and from Macao were close to 60 000. The evolution of recent Asian migration to OECD countries is also characterised by increased diversity in the means of entry. The desire on the part of Member countries to increase the number of qualified and highly qualified entrants, to reflect the policy of the United States, Canada and Australia to offer entry opportunities other than family reunion (such as employment-related permanent immigration as well as entry for temporary work or study) has contributed to this diversification. In the United States, according to the latest available data, Asians make up one-third of new immigrants, but they account for a much higher proportion of the skilled migrant entries. In the 1998 fiscal year they made up half of immigrants receiving employment-related visas, almost 80% of those admitted for investment purposes and nearly 70% of those who were admitted as workers with the required skills, holding at least a bachelor’s degree. They dominate student admissions and are an important component of the temporary foreign worker inflow, especially that of HI-B visa professionals. Moreover, many of the students and temporary foreign workers are “immigrants in waiting” since many apply for immigrant status after a period in the United States. In Australia too, the main modes of intake of skilled employees are dominated by Asians: they currently comprise 41% of the skilled immigrant intake, 57 % of overseas student visas and 32 % of those admitted with temporary business visas. At the other end of the labour market, in OECD Member countries a significant number of low skilled jobs have been created. Such jobs tend to be rejected by the native workforce, even by those who have limited skills. The context in Asia is such that it would be able to supply the demands created this end of the labour market too, if the formalities of entry into OECD Member countries were to be put in place. This explains in large part the increase in illegal immigration from Asia to OECDcountries; the rise in the illegal flows from mainland China being particularly perceptible. Most recently these flows appear to have been directed primarily (though by no means exclusively) towards Canada and the United States; there is strong evidence to suggest that a sizeable proportion of those illegally entering Canada are doing so with a view to crossing into the United States. The number of asylum applications lodged by Chinese citizens has been increasing across the OECD area and is a consequence of illegal immigration. Together with those from Afghanistan, Iraq and Sri Lanka, they account for a large proportion of the asylum requests currently being lodged in some OECD countries. The diversification in migration flows of Asian provenance is also illustrated by the broadening of the range of destination countries. These now include a wider group of European countries. Intra- European migration, notably from Spain, Italy, Greece and Portugal, has declined since the 1970s, while flows from Asia have increased. Thus, Germany receives a large number of refugees from Indo-China (though lower than France and the United Kingdom). In 1999, of the 7.3 million foreigners residing in Germany, 85 400 were from Vietnam, 55 100 from Sri Lanka, 42 900 from China, 38 300 from Pakistan, 34 900 from Thailand and approximately the same number from India. The 1980s saw an increase in the number of immigrants of Pakistani and Sri Lankan origin received by the Netherlands. In 1999, the Indonesians (despite the fact that most of them possess Dutch nationality) remained the largest Asian community, followed closely by the Chinese. Asian migration to the Nordic countries, almost negligible until the 1970s, increased considerably during the second half of the 1980s, largely through requests for asylum. In Denmark, this immigration is primarily from Pakistan, Vietnam and Sri Lanka; in Finland, from Malaysia, India, Vietnam, China and Bangladesh. Immigration from Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Vietnam has also developed in Norway. In Sweden, immigration from Asia involves above all the Thais, the Vietnamese and the Chinese (see Table I.16). In Southern Europe, Asian immigration is mainly from the Philippines and China. In Italy and Spain, these migration flows, essentially of females, are linked to the development of the domestic service and health-care sectors. In 1986, Italy had 65 000 foreign residents of Asian origin (including the Middle East). By 1999 this number had more than tripled and continues to increase. The mostnumerous national groups of Asian origin, in decreasing order of size, were Filipinos (61 000), Chinese (47 100), Sri Lankans (29 900) and Indians (25 600). In Spain, the Chinese comprise the largest Asian community, followed by Filipinos and Indians. Since the beginning of the 1980s, migration to Japan has increased significantly. Although non- Asian immigration has also grown in importance, migration movements to Japan are principally intraregional. Indeed, an analysis of its 1999 immigration figures reveals that of the ten leading countries of origin, five were Asian (see above Chart I .4). Whereas in 1980, over three quarters of the foreigners settled in Japan were Korean, by the end of 1999 this proportion represented more than 40%. During the intervening period, the Chinese and Filipino communities in particular have developed; in all, Asians account for three quarters of the foreign population (a further 18% are South American, the overwhelming major ity of whom of Japanese descent). Illegal immigration to Japan is also mostly from Asia (Korea, Thailand, China, the Philippines and Malaysia). In Korea, the number of registered foreign nationals has increased considerably since 1991, a development largely attributable to the normalisation of diplomatic relations with China. Notwithstanding, composed principally of Chinese, Taipei Chinese, Japanese, Filipino and Vietnamese nationals, the registered foreign population and the slightly smaller number of visa overstayers still accounted for less than 1% of the total population in 1999.

The World Wars and their aftermath

See World War II evacuation and expulsion and Population transfer in the Soviet Union for World War II forced migrations.



The First and Second World Wars, and wars, genocides, and crises sparked by them, had an enormous impact on migration. Muslims moved from the Balkan to Turkey, while Christians moved the other way, during the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. Four hundred thousand Jews had already moved to Palestine in the early twentieth century, and numerous Jews to America, as already mentioned. The Russian Civil War caused some three million Russians, Poles, and Germans to migrate out of the new Soviet Union. Decolonization following the Second World War also caused migrations.[19][20]

The Jewish communities across Europe, the Mediterranean and the Middle East were formed from voluntary and involuntary migrants. After the Holocaust (1938 to 1945), there was increased migration to the British Mandate of Palestine, which became the modern state of Israel as a result of the United Nations Partition Plan for Palestine.

Provisions of the Potsdam Agreement from 1945 signed by victorious Western Allies and the Soviet Union led to one of the largest European migrations, and the largest in the 20th century. It involved the migration and resettlement of close to or over 20 million people. The largest affected group were 16.5 million Germans expelled from Eastern Europe westwards. The second largest group were Poles, millions of whom were expelled westwards from eastern Kresy region and resettled in the so-called Recovered Territories (see Allies decide Polish border in the article on the Oder-Neisse line). Hundreds of thousands of Poles, Ukrainians (Operation Vistula), Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians and some Belarusians were expelled eastwards from Europe to the Soviet Union. Finally, many of the several hundred thousand Jews remaining in Eastern Europe after the Holocaust migrated outside Europe to Israel and the United States.

Pakistan-India

Main article: Partition of India

In 1947, upon the Partition of India, large populations moved from India to Pakistan and vice versa, depending on their religious beliefs. The partition was promulgated in the Indian Independence Act 1947 as a result of the dissolution of the British Indian Empire. The partition displaced up to 12.5 million people in the former British Indian Empire, with estimates of loss of life varying from several hundred thousand to a million.[21]Muslim residents of the former British India migrated to Pakistan (including East Pakistan which is now Bangladesh), whilst Hindu and Sikh residents of Pakistan and Hindu residents of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) moved in the opposite direction.

In modern India, estimates based on industry sectors mainly employing migrants suggest that there are around 100 million circular migrants in India. Caste, social networks and historical precedents play a powerful role in shaping patterns of migration. Migration for the poor is mainly circular, as despite moving temporarily to urban areas, they lack the social security which might keep them there more permanently. They are also keen to maintain a foothold in home areas during the agricultural season.

Research by the Overseas Development Institute identifies a rapid movement of labour from slower- to faster-growing parts of the economy. Migrants can often find themselves excluded by urban housing policies, and migrant support initiatives are needed to give workers improved access to market information, certification of identity, housing and education.[22]

Theories for migration for work in the 21st century

Overview

Migration for work in the 21st century has become a popular way for individuals from impoverished developing countries to obtain sufficient income for survival. This income is sent home to family members in the form of remittances and has become an economic staple in a number of developing countries.[23] There are a number of theories to explain the international flow of capital and people from one country to another.[24]

Neoclassical economic theory

This theory of migration states that the main reason for labor migration is wage difference between two geographic locations. These wage differences are usually linked to geographic labor demand and supply. It can be said that areas with a shortage of labor but an excess of capital have a high relative wage while areas with a high labor supply and a dearth of capital have a low relative wage. Labor tends to flow from low-wage areas to high-wage areas. Often, with this flow of labor comes changes in the sending as well as the receiving country. Neoclassical economic theory is best used to describe transnational migration, because it is not confined by international immigration laws and similar governmental regulations.[24]

Dual labor market theory

Dual labor market theory states that migration is mainly caused by pull factors in more developed countries. This theory assumes that the labor markets in these developed countries consist of two segments: primary, which requires high-skilled labor, and secondary, which is very labor-intensive but requires low-skilled workers. This theory assumes that migration from less developed countries into more developed countries is a result of a pull created by a need for labor in the developed countries in their secondary market. Migrant workers are needed to fill the lowest rung of the labor market because the native laborers do not want to do these jobs as they present a lack of mobility. This creates a need for migrant workers. Furthermore, the initial dearth in available labor pushes wages up, making migration even more enticing.[24]

The new economics of labor migration

This theory states that migration flows and patterns cannot be explained solely at the level of individual workers and their economic incentives, but that wider social entities must be considered as well. One such social entity is the household. Migration can be viewed as a result of risk aversion on the part of a household that has insufficient income. The household, in this case, is in need of extra capital that can be achieved through remittances sent back by family members who participate in migrant labor abroad. These remittances can also have a broader effect on the economy of the sending country as a whole as they bring in capital.[24] Recent research has examined a decline in U.S. interstate migration from 1991 to 2011, theorizing that the reduced interstate migration is due to a decline in the geographic specificity of occupations and an increase in workers’ ability to learn about other locations before moving there, through both information technology and inexpensive travel.[25] Other researchers find that the location-specific nature of housing is more important than moving costs in determining labor reallocation.[26]

Relative deprivation theory

Relative deprivation theory states that awareness of the income difference between neighbors or other households in the migrant-sending community is an important factor in migration. The incentive to migrate is a lot higher in areas that have a high level of economic inequality. In the short run, remittances may increase inequality, but in the long run, they may actually decrease it. There are two stages of migration for a worker: first, they invest in human capital formation, and then they try to capitalize on their investments. In this way, successful migrants may use their new capital to provide for better schooling for their children and better homes for their families. Successful high-skilled emigrants may serve as an example for neighbors and potential migrants who hope to achieve that level of success.[24]

World systems theory

World systems theory looks at migration from a global perspective. It explains that interaction between different societies can be an important factor in social change within societies. Trade with one country, which causes economic decline in another, may create incentive to migrate to a country with a more vibrant economy. It can be argued that even after decolonization, the economic dependence of former colonies still remains on mother countries. This view of international trade is controversial, however, and some argue that free trade can actually reduce migration between developing and developed countries. It can be argued that the developed countries import labor-intensive goods, which causes an increase in employment of unskilled workers in the less developed countries, decreasing the outflow of migrant workers. The export of capital-intensive goods from rich countries to poor countries also equalizes income and employment conditions, thus also slowing migration. In either direction, this theory can be used to explain migration between countries that are geographically far apart.[24]

Historical theories

Ravenstein

Certain laws of social science have been proposed to describe human migration. The following was a standard list after Ravenstein's (1834-1913) proposal in the 1880s. The laws are as follows:

  1. every migration flow generates a return or countermigration.
  2. the majority of migrants move a short distance.
  3. migrants who move longer distances tend to choose big-city destinations.
  4. urban residents are often less migratory than inhabitants of rural areas.
  5. families are less likely to make international moves than young adults.
  6. most migrants are adults.
  7. large towns grow by migration rather than natural increase.
  1. Migration stage by stage
  2. Urban Rural difference
  3. Migration and Technology
  4. Economic condition

Lee's laws divides factors causing migrations into two groups of factors: push and pull factors. Push factors are things that are unfavourable about the area that one lives in, and pull factors are things that attract one to another area.[27]

Push Factors

  • Not enough jobs
  • Few opportunities
  • Primitive conditions
  • Desertification
  • Famine or drought
  • Political fear or persecution
  • Slavery or forced labour
  • Poor medical care
  • Loss of wealth
  • Natural disasters
  • Death threats
  • Lack of political or religious freedom
  • Pollution
  • Poor housing
  • Landlord/tenant issues
  • Bullying
  • Discrimination
  • Poor chances of marrying
  • Condemned housing (radon gas, etc.)
  • War

Pull Factors

  • Job opportunities
  • Better living conditions
  • Political and/or religious freedom
  • Enjoyment
  • Education
  • Better medical care
  • Attractive climates
  • Security
  • Family links
  • Industry
  • Better chances of marrying

See also article by Gürkan Çelik, in Turkish Review: Turkey Pulls, The Netherlands Pushes? An increasing number of Turks, the Netherlands’ largest ethnic minority, are beginning to return to Turkey, taking with them the education and skills they have acquired abroad, as the Netherlands faces challenges from economic difficulties, social tension and increasingly powerful far-right parties. At the same time Turkey’s political, social and economic conditions have been improving, making returning home all the more appealing for Turks at large. (pp. 94–99)

Climate cycles

The modern field of climate history suggests that the successive waves of Eurasian nomadic movement throughout history have had their origins in climatic cycles, which have expanded or contracted pastureland in Central Asia, especially Mongolia and the Altai. People were displaced from their home ground by other tribes trying to find land that could be grazed by essential flocks, each group pushing the next further to the south and west, into the highlands of Anatolia, the Pannonian Plain, into Mesopotamia or southwards, into the rich pastures of China. Bogumil Terminski uses the term "migratory domino effect" to describe this process in the context of Sea People invasion.[28]

Other models

  • Migration occurs because individuals search for food, sex and security outside their usual habitation.[29] Idyorough is of the view that towns and cities are a creation of the human struggle to obtain food, sex and security. To produce food, security and reproduction, human beings must, out of necessity, move out of their usual habitation and enter into indispensable social relationships that are cooperative or antagonistic. Human beings also develop the tools and equipment to enable them to interact with nature to produce the desired food and security. The improved relationship (cooperative relationships) among human beings and improved technology further conditioned by the push and pull factors all interact together to cause or bring about migration and higher concentration of individuals into towns and cities. The higher the technology of production of food and security and the higher the cooperative relationship among human beings in the production of food and security and in the reproduction of the human species, the higher would be the push and pull factors in the migration and concentration of human beings in towns and cities. Countryside, towns and cities do not just exist but they do so to meet the human basic needs of food, security and the reproduction of the human species. Therefore, migration occurs because individuals search for food, sex and security outside their usual habitation. Social services in the towns and cities are provided to meet these basic needs for human survival and pleasure.
  • Zipf's Inverse distance law (1956)
  • Gravity model of migration and the friction of distance
  • Buffer Theory
  • Stouffer's theory of intervening opportunities (1940)
  • Zelinsky's mobility transition model (1971)
  • Bauder's regulation of labor markets (2006) "suggests that the international migration of workers is necessary for the survival of industrialized economies...[It] turns the conventional view of international migration on its head: it investigates how migration regulates labor markets, rather than labor markets shaping migration flows."[30]

Notes and references

Bibliography

Literature

Books

  • Bauder, Harald. Labor Movement: How Migration Regulates Labor Markets, New York: Oxford University Press, 2006.
  • Behdad, Ali. A Forgetful Nation: On Immigration and Cultural Identity in the United States, Duke UP, 2005.
  • Jared Diamond, Guns, germs and steel. A short history of everybody for the last 13'000 years, 1997.
  • De La Torre, Miguel A., Trails of Terror: Testimonies on the Current Immigration Debate, Orbis Books, 2009.
  • Fell, Peter and Hayes, Debra. What are they doing here? A critical guide to asylum and immigration, Birmingham (UK): Venture Press, 2007.
  • Hoerder, Dirk. Cultures in Contact. World Migrations in the Second Millennium, Duke University Press, 2002
  • Kleiner-Liebau, Désirée. Migration and the Construction of National Identity in Spain, Madrid / Frankfurt, Iberoamericana / Vervuert, Ediciones de Iberoamericana, 2009. ISBN 978-84-8489-476-6.
  • Knörr, Jacqueline. Women and Migration. Anthropological Perspectives, Frankfurt & New York: Campus Verlag & St. Martin's Press, 2000.
  • Knörr, Jacqueline. Childhood and Migration. From Experience to Agency, Bielefeld: Transcript, 2005.
  • Manning, Patrick. Migration in World History, New York and London: Routledge, 2005.
  • Migration for Employment, Paris: OECD Publications, 2004.
  • OECD International Migration Outlook 2007, Paris: OECD Publications, 2007.
  • Pécoud, Antoine and Paul de Guchteneire (Eds): Migration without Borders, Essays on the Free Movement of People (Berghahn Books, 2007)
  • Abdelmalek Sayad. The Suffering of the Immigrant, Preface by Pierre Bourdieu, Polity Press, 2004.
  • Stalker, Peter. No-Nonsense Guide to International Migration, New Internationalist, second edition, 2008.
  • The Philosophy of Evolution (A.K. Purohit, ed.), Yash Publishing House, Bikaner, 2010. ISBN 81-86882-35-9.

Journals

  • International Migration Review
  • Migration Letters
  • International Migration
  • Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies
  • Review of Economics of the Household

Online Books

  • OECD International Migration Outlook 2007 (subscription service)

Documentary films

See also

External links

  • iom.int, The International Organization for Migration
  • CIA World Factbook gives up-to-date statistics on net immigration by country.
  • Atlas of the Human Journey National Geographic presents an atlas of the human journey.
  • Stalker's Guide to International Migration Comprehensive interactive guide to modern migration issues, with maps and statistics
  • Integration : Building Inclusive Societies (IBIS) UN Alliance of Civilizations online community on good practices of integration of migrants across the world
  • migrations in history
  • The importance of migrants in the modern world
  • Mass migration as a travel businesstl:Pandarayuhan
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